Tuesday, 29 June 2021

The effect of Socioeconomic status (SES) deprivation on child development

 

What is SES deprivation?

Dimensional Model of Adversity and Psychopathology (DMAP), one of the recent models that study how dimensions of adversity experiences influence developmental processes and outcomes, defines deprivation as the absence of expected social or cognitive stimulation (1). The Index of Multiple Deprivation (IMD) is the official measure of relative deprivation in England. IMD follows an established methodological framework and defines relative deprivation by encompassing a wide range of an individual’s living conditions. People, for example, if they lack the financial resources to meet their needs, are considered to be living in poverty. However, if they lack all resources, not just income, they are regarded as deprived (2).

The UK’s ministry of housing, communities & local government examines seven distinct domains of deprivation to measure the level of deprivation in neighbourhoods (figure 1)(2):

  1. Income
  2. Employment
  3. Health Deprivation and Disability
  4. Education, Skills and Training
  5. Crime
  6. Barriers to Housing and Services
  7. Living Environment

How does SES deprivation affect child development?

There is a well-documented association between early-life adversity (ELA) and a host of adverse outcomes for children. For example, children exposed to ELA show an increased risk of poor cognitive, socioemotional and physical health outcomes. In addition, deprivation has a unique influence on brain development (1).

Children often suffer from disadvantages during their lives, from educational achievement to employment prospects, if they grow up in a more deprived area. Their physical and mental well-being is also affected. Inequalities exist despite the downward trend in recent years for children not ready for school and young people not in education, employment or training (NEET) (3).

Abel et al. (2016) examined children at school entry age (4/5 years old) for executive function (EF) to predict their school readiness and their academic competence at a later stage. Availability of learning materials in the home for infants/toddlers is essential for their cognitive development and influences their school readiness (4).  Both Abel et al. (2016) and Vogel et al. (2021) have shown in their studies that there was a strong association between early-life SES and EF abilities; higher deprivation led to poorer EF outcomes (1,4).

In addition, Abel et al. (2016) demonstrated in their study that low-SES may increase the risk of deprivation and threat in childhood. Deprivation and threat, which accounts for SES-related cognitive ability retardations, are highly related, but their experiences are distinct. A threat is exposure to threatening or harmful experiences or stimulation (4). Although there is limited knowledge of how deprivation and threat together and independently influence child development within the low-SES context, a few studies specifically examined dimensions of deprivation and threat in the context of early life poverty (1).

DMAP uses experimental and theoretical observations of neurodevelopment to assume that deprivation influences the development of the association cortex, which is the area associated with higher-order cognitive abilities. This conceptualisation of deprivation comes from neuroscience literature that suggests that synaptic trimming in the prefrontal cortex and social and cognitive stimulation levels are associated. Reduced levels of these stimulations result in decreased dendritic branching and reduced synaptic density on dendritic spines. Synaptic density and dendritic branching help the brain connect and communicate information; however, the brain may be preparing for less complexity in the environment with their reduction. Consequently, this adaptation may impact the development of higher-order cognitive abilities such as cognitive control and EF (1).

No shortage of literature shows the link between early life deprivation and increased risk of reduced executive function (EF) abilities. Nevertheless, the bulk of the study has focused on children in Romanian orphanages adopted internationally after spending varying times in the orphanage. In a study sample of 2.5- to 4-years-old-post-institutionalized children have been found to have significantly reduced EF abilities compared to their non-institutionalised counterparts. Similarly, studies that use the Family Stress and Family Investment models and the DMAP models consistently found an association between social and cognitive deprivations and cognitive outcomes. A significant amount of work shows the association of early life social and cognitive deprivation with increased risk for reduced EF abilities and related aspects of cognition throughout childhood (1).

How does SES deprivation contribute to child mortality?

Infant mortality is a sensitive indicator of the effect of social determinants of health. Therefore, deprivation, particularly the kind that leads to infant/child death, should be avoidable in a wealthy society (5).

In the UK, infant mortality, predominantly among families in more deprived areas, has risen over the last four years, probably due to increased child poverty. Out of 23 Western European countries, the UK ranked 22 in 2019 for under five years old child mortality (5).

One way to eliminated infant and child deaths is to assess its relationship with deprivation. For example, the National Child Mortality Database (NCMD) 2019 report shows that for each decile of deprivation, the mortality risk is approximately 10% higher on average, going from lowest to most deprived; that is double the rate of the least deprived. Therefore, 23% of child death is avoidable if the child mortality rate in the most deprived half of the population is reducing to equal to that of the least deprived half (5).

NCMD report believes deprivation has a causal effect on child mortality; the more significant the deprivation, the higher the mortality rate. Intervention can drastically reduce child mortality through social justice by avoiding those inequalities that are judged to be avoidable by reasonable means. In the words of Professor Sir Michael Marmot, UCL Institute of Health Equity, “In a rich society, deprivation should be avoidable – particularly of the kind that leads to deaths of infants and children”(5).

Conclusion

Early life poverty or low-SES increases the risk of a high level of deprivation in children and exposes them to stressful or threatening input. Consequently, deprivation negatively affects the executive function abilities of children as well as their socioemotional and physical growth. In addition, deprivation may lead to infant/child mortality, which is currently in an upward trend in England. In a wealthy society, to experience this level of deprivation that leads to child mortality is unacceptable. For that reason, avoidable deprivation should be reduced or eliminated by tackling inequality in socioeconomic status.


Figure 1: The seven domains of deprivation that create the Index of Multiple Deprivation (IMD2019). From <https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/835115/IoD2019_Statistical_Release.pdf>


 

References

(1) Vogel SC, Perry RE, Brandes-Aitken A, Braren S, Blair C. Deprivation and threat as developmental mediators in the relation between early life socioeconomic status and executive functioning outcomes in early childhood. Developmental cognitive neuroscience. 2021; 47 100907. Available from: doi: 10.1016/j.dcn.2020.100907 Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.dcn.2020.100907 .

(2) Ministry of Housing, Communities & Local Government. The English Indices of Deprivation 2019 (IoD2019) - Statistical Release. 2019.

(3) Public Health England. Research and analysis
Chapter 6: social determinants of health.
Available from: https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/health-profile-for-england/chapter-6-social-determinants-of-health [Accessed 21 Jun 2021].

(4) Abel GA, Barclay ME, Payne RA. Adjusted indices of multiple deprivation to enable comparisons within and between constituent countries of the UK including an illustration using mortality rates. BMJ open. 2016; 6 (11): e012750. Available from: doi: 10.1136/bmjopen-2016-012750 Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2016-012750 .

(5) David Odd, Sylvia Stoianova, Vicky Sleap, Tom Williams, Nick Cook, Louisa McGeehan, Alison Garnham, Stephanie Davern, Rachel Rimmer, Judith Gault, Jennifer J Kurinczuk, Ingrid Wolfe, Karen Luyt. Child Mortality and Social Deprivation National Child Mortality Database Programme Thematic Report. 2021.

 

           

 

 


 

Friday, 30 April 2021

Understanding Health Protection UK

Health protection is a broad, dynamic and versatile field that encompasses a set of activities within public health. Health protection in the UK is one domain, out of three, of Public health: health protection, health improvement and healthcare public health (Table 1). All three domains work in a tendon, and in practice, health protection is not delivered in isolation (1). It is defined as protecting individuals, groups and populations from the impact of a single case of infectious disease, outbreaks and environmental chemical and radiological threats through expert advice and effective collaboration (1,2).

Domains of Public Health in UK

    1. Heath Protection              

     2. Health Improvement

     3. Health -care Public Health

    Table 1: The three domains of Public Health UK.                            


The primary function of health protection is to deal with public health emergencies, such as communicable and non-communicable diseases, as a front-line defence. It also deals with chronic health situations with acute or chronic manifestations, such as contaminated land, air, or water. Other health protection functions include evidence gathering (surveillance) for intelligence and emergency preparedness by anticipating future issues, incidents, emergencies, and other health threats
(1).

Health protection UK consists of three interrelated domains: communicable disease control, emergency preparedness, resilience and response (EPRR), and environmental public health (Table 2) (1). Health protection service can begin by protecting an individual from an E. coli infection, for example. Then it can go into the community to deal with an outbreak of measles in a community with multiple outbreaks in schools that puts a burden on the local hospital, for example. Health protection services provided in all the three domains, regardless of the scope sizes; small or large, are supported and underpinned by:

1.    "Good surveillance,
2.    strong multiagency partnerships,
3.    clear and robust epidemiology,
4.    supportive science (microbiology, toxicology, environmental sciences, clinical sciences, and radiation science), 
5.    timely audit,
6.    focused research,
7.    clear communication strategy, and
8.    learning and development".

Lack of incidents, outbreaks, new and emerging diseases, disasters can be used to judge the effectiveness of health protection services. However, not all incidents and disasters can be predicted or/and prevented in practice (1).

Domains of Public Health in UK

    1. Communicable disease control          

     2. Emergency preparedness, resilience and response (EPRR

     3. Environmental public health

    Table 2: The three domains of Health Protection.     

In the UK, health protection is delivered by public health agencies in each nation with a statutory duty to protect, address inequalities, and promote the nation's health and well-being. Public Health England (PHE) in England (Public Health England), Public Health Wales in Wales (Public Health Wales), Health Protection Scotland in Scotland (Health Protection Scotland), and Public Health Agency in Northern Ireland (Public Health Agency). As part of a national specialist health protection system, the UK has a defined local specialist health protection service. Its delivery, both at the local and national level, requires multiagency, working with other public bodies, for instance, the National Health Service (NHS), local authorities and the Food Standards Agency (1).

Health protection requires specialist knowledge and skills provided by a multidisciplinary team, including nurses, practitioners, doctors, surveillances, and administrative staff. They work closely with colleagues in public health agencies, environmental health departments, hospital microbiologists and infection and prevention control teams, GPs, community specialists and educational institutions (1,2).

Health Protection teams are split into regions to provide local specialist support to prevent and reduce the impact of infectious diseases, hazards, and major emergencies, depending on the epidemiological needs. They provide services in surveillance and monitoring of infectious diseases, strategic health protection work, emergency planning and operational support, and education and training for health care professionals and the general public. Areas of health protection teams' expertise include immunisations, gastrointestinal infections, water-borne diseases, environmental hazards, travel-associated infections, and infection control & hospital-acquired infections & respiratory infections such as tuberculosis (2).

There is a statutory duty requirement for registered medical practitioners to notify the proper officer through the local health protection team of any suspected or confirmed cases of certain infectious diseases for surveillance purposes. There are 60 causative agents and 32 notifiable diseases (2,3).

In summary, Health Protection UK is one of three domains of the public health field and provides protective services from infectious diseases and environmental threats from individuals and communities. Health protection requires multidisciplinary teams that are highly skilled and knowledgeable. The responsibility of health protection lies with public health agencies that have a statutory duty to protect and promote health and well-being.

 


References

(1) Sam Ghebrehewet, Alex G. Stewart, and Ian Rufus. What is a health Protection. In: Samuel Ghebrehewet, Alex G. Stewart, David Baxter, Paul Shears, David Conrad, and Merav Kliner. (ed.) Health protection. Oxford: Oxford University Press; 2016.

(2) Royal College of Nursing. Health protection. Available from: https://www.rcn.org.uk/clinical-topics/public-health/health-protection [Accessed 25 Apr 2021].

(3) Health Protection Surveillance Centre. Notifiable Diseases and their respective causative pathogens. Available from: https://www.hpsc.ie/notifiablediseases/listofnotifiablediseases/List%20of%20Notifiable%20Diseases%20February%202020.pdf [Accessed 30 Apr 2021].

 

Friday, 26 March 2021

Social Determinants of Health

The classic principal determinants of health are behaviour factors, natural environmental impacts, genetic determinants and social determinants. These main groupings disguise the interactions between, and complexity and diversity of, health and disease drivers. Throughout history, these fundamental determinants of health have interacted and acted within populations in complex ways. For instance, in the sixteenth century, when the Europeans conquered the Americas, they subjugated and destroyed native American populations (social determinants) and confiscated land and associated food insecurity (social and environmental determinants). They spread infectious disease, such as smallpox and measles, that the Europeans had developed moderate resistance over generations (biological determinants) (1).

"Social determinants of health are conditions in the social environment in which people are born, live, learn, work, and play that affect a wide range of health, functioning, and quality-of-life outcomes and risks" (2). The health and well-being at individual and population levels are greatly influenced by individuals, communities, and societies' social and demographic characteristics. Examples of an individual or population level of social determinants are gender, race/ethnicity, socioeconomic status (SES), social class, education, income, occupation, employment status, housing tenure, immigrant status, language use, disability status, and social capital (2-4). Social determinants at the population levels, which is considered more fundamental determinants of health and disease, can be changed through public policy (2). In order to improve health outcomes, the design, implementation and evaluation of effective policies at local, state and federal levels can be improved through a deeper understanding of the complexities of social and economic inequalities (4).

Former Director-General of the World Health Organisation (WHO), the late J.W. Lee, set up the WHO Commission on Social Determinants of Health ("the Commission") in 2005. The Commission aimed to collect and synthesize global evidence on the social determinants of health and assess their impact on health inequity and make recommendations for action to address these inequalities (3). The Commission's work was motivated and driven by [1] belief in social justice, [2] respect for evidence, and [3] frustration that there was insufficient action on the social determinates of ill health and health inequalities. The work of the Commission and its consequential report, completed in 2008 (5), was meant to prompt discussions among the institution and the public sphere, within countries and internationally, and help promote social actions and policies to advance health and health equity (3). Nations across the globe have been called continuously, since the 1980s, to address health inequities that are systematic, unfair, and avoidable differences in health outcomes and their determinants between sections of the population based on SES, demographics or geography (5).

The Commission recommended three main points (Table 1). First, to improve daily living conditions, people are born, grow, live, and age. Second, to handle the structural drivers of these conditions that arise from unfair distributions of power, money and resources. Three, to build the capacity to overcome the conditions by first measuring the problem and evaluating actions, building a knowledge base, training an effective workforce, and raising public awareness (3).

The Commission's recommendations are broad yet relevant to and applicable to the different contexts in which people worldwide live their lives. Contextual analysis across the areas identified by the Commission is necessary to develop national and regional strategies for health equity improvement. The resolution of the World Health Assembly in May 2009 reinforced these recommendations by urging all member states to evaluate the impact of policies and programs on health inequities and handle health inequities through action on the social determinants of health(3).

Furthermore, in 1992, Margaret Whitehead (Head of the WHO Collaborating Centre for Policy Research on the Social Determinants of Health) wrote a paper with international influence. It urged governments and all sectors of society to tackle differences in heath associated with social status - relative advantage and disadvantage in social hierarchies. Since differences in health associated with social status affect groups of people already at a disadvantage, it can be considered unfair. All countries, rich and poor alike, have seen these dramatic life changes (5).

Multiple and multi-level factors - such as individual material circumstances, social cohesion and psychosocial, behavioural and biological factors, and the functioning of the health care system - that interact in a complex way bring about poor health and health inequalities across individuals and social groups. People's position in the social hierarchy – that is, their wealth and income, occupation, education, gender, race or ethnicity, and geographical location of residence – determines how they interact with or experience these complex factors. Moreover, all these factors are influenced by a political, economic, social and cultural context that determines the unequal distribution of power, prestige, and resource (3).

 

Race/Ethnicity as a determinant of health.

It is widely and commonly used "race/ethnicity" and sometimes "minority" as a causal factor of social determinant of health. However, this does not seem to be accurate despite the complex social dynamics.

Ethnicity could be used to discriminate (5) against a group of people in society to deny, for example, access to adequate health services. Due to "ethnicity", a group of people may have a language (2,4) barrier, which hinders them from requesting health interventions when needed. Cultural practices of ethnic groups could compromise their health and well-being. Health consequences could arise from a genetic or biological factor (4) related to a particular ethnic group. However, none of these scenarios shows ethnicity as the cause of poor health outcome.

These scenarios illustrate that the negative health consequences are due to other factors linked to ethnicity and not ethnicity per se. Some people in the population may be ethnic but not fall into any of the scenarios mentioned above. Therefore, "ethnicity/race/minority" does not cause poor health, hence could not be said is a factor of social determinant of health.

  

No.

3 Main points for the WHO Commission recommended

No.

Sub-areas the WHO Commission recommended for actions

1

To improve daily life conditions.

1

Early childhood development and education

2

To handle the structural drivers of these conditions.

2

Health places – the living environment

3

To Build capacity to overcome these unjust conditions.

3

 Fair employment and decent work

 

4

Social protection across the life course

5

Universal health care

6

Health equity in all policies

7

Fair financing

8

Market responsibility

9

Gender equity

10

Political empowerment

11

Good global governance

12

Knowledge, Monitoring and Skills

Table 1: Recommendation of the WHO Commission to overcome health inequalities in social determinants of health.        

 

  

References

(1) Remais, J., & Jackson, R. (2015-02). Determinants of health: overview. In Oxford Textbook of Global Public Health. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Retrieved 22 Mar. 2021, from https://oxfordmedicine-com.iclibezp1.cc.ic.ac.uk/view/10.1093/med/9780199661756.001.0001/med-9780199661756-chapter-6.

 (2) Singh GK, Daus GP, Allender M, Ramey CT, Martin EK, Perry C, et al. Social determinants of health in the United States: Addressing major health inequality trends for the nation, 1935–2016. International journal of MCH and AIDS. 2017; 6 (2): 139-164. Available from: doi: 10.21106/ijma.236 Available from: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/29367890 .

(3) Venkatapuram, S., Bell, R., & Marmot, M. The right to sutures: Social epidemiology, human rights, and social justice. Health and human rights. 2010; 12 (2): 3-16. Available from: https://www.jstor.org/stable/healhumarigh.12.2.3 .

(4) Kolak M, Bhatt J, Park YH, Padrón NA, Molefe A. Quantification of Neighborhood-Level Social Determinants of Health in the Continental United States. JAMA Network Open. 2020; 3 (1): e1919928. Available from: doi: 10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2019.19928 Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2019.19928 .

(5) Penman-Aguilar A, Talih M, Huang D, Moonesinghe R, Bouye K, Beckles G. Measurement of health disparities, health inequities, and social determinants of health to support the advancement of health equity. Journal of public health management and practice. 2016; 22 Suppl 1 (Supplement 1): S33-S42. Available from: doi: 10.1097/PHH.0000000000000373 Available from: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/26599027 .

 

Saturday, 27 February 2021

Public Health Systems and Functions

Public health systems are vital and unique entities within health systems (1). They are in all the levels of governmental and non-governmental entities responsible for ensuring and providing healthy social and physical environments (1,2). A clear or consistent definition of public health systems does not exist yet; in contrast, multiple health systems frameworks identify the components, functions, and healthcare systems' goals (1). 

Although in literature there is a significant emphasis on defining the essential roles and functions of public health, there is a lack of clarity on public health systems' definition, which could be due to: [1] public health systems have been conceptualised in many ways, [2] there is terminology overlap with publicly funded healthcare systems, and [3] funder and publications preferences (1,3). Inconsistent terminologies were used to describe the functions and services of public health in different jurisdictions. For instance, the responsibility of testing and monitoring the quality of air, food and water were referred to as either "health protection" or "environmental health" in different jurisdictions. Similarly, "population health assessment" was used interchangeably with monitoring, surveillance or epidemiological activities (1).

 Defining public health systems can help decide how to best design systems and deliver programmes and services to support public health within the large health system (1). The governance, delivery, and financial arrangements of traditional healthcare systems align well with many public health systems components; nevertheless, there are distinct differences, especially in relation to partnerships and communications within public health (1,3). 

Public health systems consist of various organisations that contribute to public health's core functions to protect and promote health within the community (1,2). A key element of public health systems is the capacity to perform core public health functions. The Institute of Medicine (IOM) provided the most frequently used public health framework (1). It assigns the function of public health into three core functions: [1] assessment, [2] policy development and [3] assurance, along with ten essential public health services that enhance the specific sets of functions and services (Table 1) (1,2,4). Core public health functions include workforce development, surveillance, laboratory capacity, emergency preparedness, and response activities (2,5). 

To strengthen the public health workforce, it is recommended to improve training and developmental opportunities, create career paths for trained public health workforce with all government levels, plan for future workforce need, and ensure sufficient staffing (2,3,5). Sometimes, governments may grant the public health system legal authority through creating, passing, amending, and enforcing policies and legislations that strengthen the public health system (3,5). 

It is necessary to formulate, promote, and enforce sound health policies to ensure the health of the populations, prevent and control disease, and reduce the prevalence of actors impairing the community's health (2,3). It is an essential function of public health to influence politics and policies at the local, national and global levels (2). 

Public health often takes up services that are not provided by healthcare systems, which overstretches public health budgets (1). Moreover, due to its capacity and expertise to organise and respond to large-scale events or health threats, response to health emergencies seems to have been adopted by public health systems (1,2).

Further research is required in public health systems and services to determine how effective public health governing entities are on the outcomes of the strategies delivered at local states levels (4).

 

 

10 Essential Public Health Services

IOM Three Core Functions of Public Health

1

Health Assessment and Monitoring

  1. Assessment

2

Investigation/Surveillance

  1. Policy Development

3

Inform/educate/Health Promotion

  1. Assurance

4

Partner Engagement & Advocacy

 

5

Policy Development & Planning

 

6

Regulation/ Enforcement

 

7

Link & provide health services

 

8

Workforce strengthening

 

9

Evaluation of health services

 

10

Research

 

Table 1: Three core functions of Public Health and the ten essential services. Adapted from: Jarvis, T(1). Key: IOM = Institute of medicine.

 

 

 References

(1) Jarvis T, Scott F, El-Jardali F, Alvarez E. Defining and classifying public health systems: a critical interpretive synthesis. Health research policy and systems. 2020; 18 (1): 1-68. Available from: doi: 10.1186/s12961-020-00583-z Available from: https://search.proquest.com/docview/2414908574 .

(2) Detels R, Chuan Tan C. The scope and concerns of public health. In: Detels, R., Gulliford, M., Abdool Karim, Q. and Chuan Tan, C. (ed.) Oxford Textbook of Global Public Health. Oxford University Press; 2015.

(3) Bascolo E, Houghton N, del Riego A, Fitzgerald J. A renewed framework for the essential public health functions in the Americas. Revista panamericana de salud pública. 2020; 44 (119): e119. Available from: doi: 10.26633/RPSP.2020.119 Available from: https://search.proquest.com/docview/2454102761 .

(4) Carlson V, Chilton MJ, Corso LC, Beitsch LM. Defining the functions of public health governance. American journal of public health (1971). 2015; 105 Suppl 2 (S2): S159-S166. Available from: doi: 10.2105/AJPH.2014.302198 Available from: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/25689187 .

(5) Clemente J, Rhee S, Miller B, Bronner E, Whitney E, Bratton S, et al. Reading between the lines: A qualitative case study of national public health institute functions and attributes in the Joint External Evaluation. Journal of public health in Africa. 2020; 11 (1): 1329. Available from: doi: 10.4081/jphia.2020.1329 Available from: https://search.proquest.com/docview/2462413497 .

 

The effect of Socioeconomic status (SES) deprivation on child development

  What is SES deprivation? Dimensional Model of Adversity and Psychopathology (DMAP), one of the recent models that study how dimensions...